President Donald Trump responded to a disastrous midterm election by choosing Stephen Miller as his new White House chief of staff, signaling confrontation with the new Democratic majority in Congress. The partnership may relish that battle at first, but Miller’s drive to stretch presidential power could become a political liability.

Trump made conciliatory noises after the election, but elevating Miller sent a blunter message. Trump called him “a great fighter,” while The Atlantic cited a person familiar with the decision who said Trump wanted someone who “will crack skulls.”

That choice suggests Trump is not responding to the political reality described by voters. Rather than pulling back after Republicans lost support, he has empowered the adviser most closely associated with his administration’s harshest and most dangerous policies.

Miller has been behind every executive order Trump signed during the term, according to the source column. Those actions included declaring an invasion at the southern border to unlock emergency powers, attempting to overrule the Constitution’s birthright citizenship clause and bringing white South Africans into the country after mischaracterizing them as genocide victims.

His reach has extended beyond immigration policy. Despite military operations falling outside his responsibilities, Miller engineered missile strikes against alleged drug boats in the Pacific and Caribbean, contributing to the deaths of more than 200 people without evidence of guilt or a trial.

That record also raises frightening questions about how far Miller might push internal discussions concerning habeas corpus for immigrants or use of the Insurrection Act after protests. As chief of staff, he will be positioned as the final adviser in the room with Trump.

Miller offered an extraordinary display of devotion at Mar-a-Lago after Trump announced his promotion Friday. “If it wasn’t for President Trump, the United States of America would not exist right now,” Miller told the crowd before pledging “my absolute loyalty, my unwavering commitment and my total devotion to your success and the success of this country.”

Miller began as a speechwriter during Trump’s first term and developed an ability to channel the president’s voice and vision. Even when Trump openly worried that immigration enforcement had gone too far after agents killed two American citizens in Minneapolis, he did not push Miller away.

The New York Times reported that Miller will urge Trump to “get back to policies that are popular with the MAGA base” and pursue an approach that “will energize the voters who elected Mr. Trump in 2024.” His commitment to mass deportations and cruelty appears unchanged.

Miller also reportedly wants to repair tensions with the Make America Healthy Again faction, which was frustrated with his predecessor, Susie Wiles, and the administration’s pace in addressing its demands. Wiles attempted to steer Trump toward choices that limited political fallout, while Miller is expected to guide him further into extremism.

Economic distress does not appear to be his central concern. Although Miller has reportedly acknowledged the high cost of the Iran war and wants it wound down, The Wall Street Journal described him as a supporter of Trump’s trade agenda while other advisers believed tariffs contributed to the cost of living concerns dominating the election.

Immediately after the election, Miller reportedly returned to his regular calls with Department of Homeland Security officials and pressed immigration authorities to meet arrest quotas. The campaign he organized against migrant communities has played poorly among independents and business owners who watched their workers get deported.

Pushing that campaign at full throttle may excite the most toxic elements of Trump’s movement, but it offers little apparent path toward recovering support elsewhere. The central problem is that Miller appears unwilling to recognize how little appetite remains for his grim vision of America.

Miller and Office of Management and Budget Director Russell Vought have reportedly worked to “chart a second-term agenda with an emphasis on executive actions that don’t require congressional approval.” Their effort sets up a major struggle over oversight, separation of powers and the boundaries of presidential authority.

Miller must also satisfy Trump’s expectations without taking too much attention or credit. The theory that Trump sees him as a new Roy Cohn, the lawyer and fixer whose manipulative methods impressed Trump, fits an adviser who believes force of will can reshape political reality.

Voters indicated that they want Trump’s White House restrained, not supercharged by Miller’s extremism. In trying to break those restraints, Miller may instead tighten them and drain what remains of support for an already diminished MAGA movement.