WHAT YOU NEED TO KNOW
- James Talarico increased his Black voter support from 67% in June to 79% by October.
- Black activists challenged Talarico over weak outreach and abusive attacks from some supporters following his primary victory over Jasmine Crockett.
- Talarico pledged $25 million for Black voter outreach and hired veteran Black operatives, Black owned firms and influential media partners.
- Polling averages gave Talarico a 3.5 point lead over Republican Ken Paxton with days remaining.
James Talarico entered the Texas general election with an obvious problem. The state lawmaker had defeated U.S. Rep. Jasmine Crockett in a bitter Democratic Senate primary, leaving many Black voters angry about the campaign and unimpressed by his outreach afterward.
Crockett offered a restrained endorsement but did not campaign with him. In June, the Texas Politics Project at the University of Texas found Talarico was the general election choice of 67% of the state’s 3 million Black voters, far short of the support he needed against Republican nominee Ken Paxton.
Talarico nonetheless displayed remarkable calm during Opal’s Walk for Freedom, the 2.5 mile Juneteenth march led by Dr. Opal Lee in Fort Worth. He walked in the middle of the crowd, not at its front, even as rain fell.
“It’s nice to show up to things and not have to be the center of attention,” Talarico said. “To just be there as a supporter, as a cheerleader. Because I feel like that’s kind of the spirit we have to get back to in our politics.”
By October, the same poll showed him receiving support from 79% of Black voters. Polling averages compiled by MS NOW partner FiftyPlusOne also gave Talarico a 3.5 point lead over Paxton with days remaining, leaving Black turnout potentially decisive.
The problem was not entirely Talarico’s creation. Crockett, a two term member who had become a national figure, drew strong support from Black Texans, particularly Black women central to Democratic turnout in Dallas and Houston.
Content creators Camille McCallum and Olive Okoro supported Crockett and worried that Black Texans would not rally behind Talarico. McCallum had also watched Talarico supporters direct racist and sexist attacks at Crockett’s allies online.
“There were friends of mine that were harmed in the whole stan culture with the Talarico campaign people, and that wasn’t James Talarico himself hurling insults,” McCallum said. “But you know, even Beyoncé sometimes tells the Beyhive to calm down.”
Neither woman had heard from Talarico’s campaign by June. McCallum feared Democrats were treating Black voters as a guaranteed base while concentrating on Republicans who might abandon MAGA candidates.
Talarico accepted the criticism rather than dodging it. “The Democratic Party, certainly nationally, has just assumed that Black people are a part of the Democratic base,” he said, arguing that taking voters for granted was the fastest route to defeat.
“We have to stop doing that. We have to start treating Black voters as swing voters,” Talarico said. He pointed to outreach involving faith leaders, historically Black colleges and universities, and a volunteer force of 45,000 that was still growing.
The campaign faced a sharper test during a July 19 Houston town hall filled with Black voters. When staff tried to end the questioning, Kandice Webber demanded that Talarico stay, warning, “You cannot win without us.”
Talarico remained for about 20 additional minutes. After Juli McShay asked him to condemn supporters who had harassed Crockett and Black influencers, he responded, “Please keep Congresswoman Crockett’s name out of your mouth,” and demanded respect for his former opponent.
That night, Talarico pledged $25 million for Black voter outreach, which his campaign described as the largest investment of its kind in modern Texas history. By September, the campaign had hired three veteran Black Texas operatives, employed Black owned firms, advertised in Black media and joined podcasts popular with younger Black Texans.
The outreach also took Talarico to the State Fair Classic, featuring Prairie View A&M and Grambling State before more than 50,000 people. McCallum, now volunteering for his campaign, declared that he had been invited to the cookout.
At Concord Church in Dallas, pastor Bryan Carter introduced Talarico as “a man of conviction, a man of faith, a champion for justice.” Talarico connected his support for universal health care and opposition to political corruption directly to his Christian beliefs.
Talarico said the campaign had learned that reaching younger Black Texans required more than appearances at churches. It also attended Sunday Funday brunches in Houston and tailgating events on Martin Luther King Jr. Boulevard.
Voting access remained another threat. Tarrant County moved in August to close 92 Election Day polling sites, reducing the number from 316 during the previous midterm to 224, while civil rights groups warned the reductions would hit Black, Latino and Asian American neighborhoods hardest.
“Voter suppression is powerful, I don’t want to sugarcoat it. Big money is powerful,” Talarico said. “But none of that can compare to people power. I’m putting my faith in people power every day of the week and twice on Sunday.”
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Whether the campaign’s investment will deliver victory remained uncertain before Tuesday. But Talarico framed the effort beyond one election, saying Black Texans had demonstrated how to balance urgency with patience and sustain political work across decades.
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