Two deeply reported stories published last week painted an alarming picture of Troy Jackson’s campaign for Maine’s U.S. Senate seat. Rebecca Traister wrote one for New York magazine, followed by reporting from Nathan Bernard and Ryan Grim at Drop Site News.

Their central finding was that Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer installed campaign staff from outside Maine after Jackson won the improvised nomination process to replace Graham Platner. Those operatives appear determined to transform Jackson into a bland, generic Democrat while neutralizing the outsider qualities that powered his victory.

The situation is complicated by an ongoing struggle over who will control the campaign. Jackson is an unapologetic populist, but he is not a polished speaker and does not possess anything resembling Platner’s charisma.

What Jackson does have is a gruff and sometimes endearing authenticity that excites volunteers. He is unmistakably a product of Maine, making the apparent effort by Schumer’s imported team to sand down his identity look especially foolish.

After Platner left the race, the state party organized local caucuses and a statewide convention to select a replacement. Jackson surprised many observers by sweeping the delegates and quickly securing the nomination.

Platner’s supporters mobilized behind Jackson, while Jackson’s close relationship with Maine’s labor movement also proved decisive. The labor movement brought formidable organizing strength on the ground, an asset with particular value in a small and rural state.

Yet control of the new campaign immediately became a point of conflict. Although Platner supporters generally preferred Jackson as the most progressive alternative, Jackson’s team and Platner’s inner circle had a strained relationship, with members of that circle tending to regard Jackson as a usurper.

The Platner operation was never likely to assume command of Jackson’s campaign. Pushing aside Jackson’s other supporters, including organized labor, was a more serious matter because their grassroots network represented one of his most valuable advantages.

Jackson was starting from scratch in July against five term incumbent Susan Collins. Collins had $11 million of her own, along with tens of millions of dollars in an outside super PAC backed by billionaires.

Schumer and his allies instead saw a flawed candidate who struggled on the stump and held positions well to Schumer’s left. Jackson had also declared in July that he would not support Schumer for Democratic leader if elected.

The campaign operatives installed by Schumer were sharply described as people who tend to lose elections and know nothing about Maine. One important figure in Jackson’s decision to accept that team was BJ McCollister, his former chief of staff and closest aide.

After leaving Jackson’s office, McCollister created an advertising and consulting firm called Frame Strategies. He urged Jackson to accept Schumer’s team and stands to earn substantial money by placing campaign television advertisements largely financed with funds Schumer raises.

Some Mainers viewed that arrangement as a conflict of interest, although the campaign’s alternatives were also difficult. Firing the outside staff and reclaiming control would be challenging because skilled local campaign professionals are already occupied with several other Democrats appearing on the November ballot.

The faction pushing to let Jackson remain himself has recently regained some ground. Critics complained that Schumer’s imported operatives canceled local grassroots events and sent Jackson outside Maine for half of September to solicit money from wealthy donors.

Jackson’s latest schedule indicates that he will spend most of the next couple of weeks in Maine. His plans include town halls, other grassroots gatherings and a Monday night conversation with Heather Cox Richardson.

Sources said the outside consultants initially responded to Traister’s article by trying to identify and punish those who leaked information. After considering the criticism, however, they recognized that the campaign had a genuine problem.

Despite their supposed expertise in television advertising, the consultants have failed to establish an affirmative public definition of Jackson and his agenda. That vacuum has allowed the better funded Collins campaign to define him instead.

Schumer may enjoy throwing around his influence, but this Maine intervention hardly demonstrates political wisdom. The Senate contest was always expected to be close, and preventing Jackson from using his unusual strengths only makes Collins’s task easier.

Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez, meanwhile, has publicly considered whether to challenge Schumer for his New York Senate seat in 2028 or pursue the presidency. At 36, she has decades to seek the presidency, while defeating Schumer would benefit both New Yorkers and the Democratic Party.